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The Essence of the Open Proportional System in the 2024 General Election in Central Java (Perspective of Law Number 7 of 2017)

Semarang State University Undergraduate Law and Society Review · Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025) · pp. 1660–1686

DOI
10.15294/lsr.v5i2.30753
ISSN
2807-8683, 2807-8225
Published
2025-07-21
Publisher
Faculty of Law, Universitas Negeri Semarang
Language
eng

Abstract

One of the main instruments for implementing democracy in Indonesia is the General Election (Pemilu), which serves to elect the President, the House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representative Council (DPD), and the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD). To elect members of the DPR, DPD, and DPRD, Indonesia adopts an open-list proportional representation system where candidates are elected based on the highest number of votes. This system offers significant advantages by ensuring more accurate political representation and proportional seat distribution, thereby valuing each vote. This article focuses on critically examining the application of the open-list proportional system in the 2024 DPRD election in Central Java. The research method used is a socio-legal approach with qualitative analysis, emphasizing the implementation of open proportionality in the second-level DPRD elections in Central Java. The findings reveal legal uncertainty in the Election Law, particularly in Article 426, which contains structural loopholes that undermine the core principles of open proportional representation and potentially harm the essence of democracy itself. This issue was evident in the 2024 DPRD election in Central Java, where manipulation of the people's choice through resignation or dismissal from party membership, along with formalistic judicial decisions, created a legal gap that was exploited to disregard legitimate votes. This not only invalidates the legitimacy of individual representatives but also raises serious questions about who truly holds sovereignty in determining the composition of the legislature.

Keywords

Collaboration network of the authors

40 authors · 137 co-authorship links · showing the 40 most connected

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  • State University of Semarang
  • Affiliation unknown
  • Different organisations
  • Same organisation
  • Affiliation unknown
  • Thicker line = more joint articles · bigger circle = more articles
Show as table
Co-authorOrganisationJoint articles
Waspiah WaspiahAffiliation unknown16
Ridwan ArifinAffiliation unknown9
Dian LatifianiAffiliation unknown6
Indah Sri UtariAffiliation unknown6
Wahyu DwiantoAffiliation unknown5
Muhammad Azil MaskurAffiliation unknown5
Ali MasyharAffiliation unknown5
Asyaffa Ridzqi AmandhaAffiliation unknown4
Suhadi SuhadiAffiliation unknown4
Danang Sudarwoko AdiAffiliation unknown4
Putri Balqis Nuril HakimAffiliation unknown4
Bayangsari WedhatamiAffiliation unknown4
Kartika Fajar CahyaniAffiliation unknown3
Adinda Ratna PertiwiAffiliation unknown3
Asmarani RamliAffiliation unknown3
Muhammad Iqbal BaiquniAffiliation unknown3
Nadiyah Meyliana PutriAffiliation unknown3
Yusup AminAffiliation unknown3
Indah LutfiyaAffiliation unknown3
Winarsih WinarsihState University of Semarang2
Mutmainah Nur QoiriAffiliation unknown2
Rini FidiyaniAffiliation unknown2
Destika Santi Putri SarfitriAffiliation unknown2
Jamaluddin Jamal MuhsenAffiliation unknown2
Diandra Preludio RamadaAffiliation unknown2
Dewi SulistianingsihState University of Semarang2
Mohammad Reza FachruddinAffiliation unknown2
Purniawati PurniawatiAffiliation unknown2
Nikmatul KasanaAffiliation unknown2
Andry SetiawanAffiliation unknown2
Bayu BimantaraAffiliation unknown2
Bagus Edi PrayogoAffiliation unknown2
Amanah AmanahAffiliation unknown2
Tirta Mulya Wira PradanaAffiliation unknown2
Dede Alvin SetiajiAffiliation unknown2
Fitria DamayantiAffiliation unknown2
Umi AfiatunAffiliation unknown2

Affiliations come from OpenAlex; journal OAI-PMH metadata carries none. Authors without an OpenAlex ID are matched by name, which can merge or split people.

Metadata source: OAI-PMH (metadata jurnal) https://journal.unnes.ac.id/journals/lsr/oai, first harvested 6 Nov 2026, last seen 8 Nov 2026.
Original metadata (oai_dc) 
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	<dc:title xml:lang="en">The Essence of the Open Proportional System in the 2024 General Election in Central Java (Perspective of Law Number 7 of 2017)</dc:title>
	<dc:creator xml:lang="en">Kadir, La Ode Ibrah Haikal Rachman</dc:creator>
	<dc:creator xml:lang="en">Rodiyah, Rodiyah</dc:creator>
	<dc:creator xml:lang="en">Damayanti, Ratih</dc:creator>
	<dc:subject xml:lang="en">general election</dc:subject>
	<dc:subject xml:lang="en">legal uncertainty</dc:subject>
	<dc:subject xml:lang="en">open proportional system</dc:subject>
	<dc:description xml:lang="en">One of the main instruments for implementing democracy in Indonesia is the General Election (Pemilu), which serves to elect the President, the House of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representative Council (DPD), and the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD). To elect members of the DPR, DPD, and DPRD, Indonesia adopts an open-list proportional representation system where candidates are elected based on the highest number of votes. This system offers significant advantages by ensuring more accurate political representation and proportional seat distribution, thereby valuing each vote. This article focuses on critically examining the application of the open-list proportional system in the 2024 DPRD election in Central Java. The research method used is a socio-legal approach with qualitative analysis, emphasizing the implementation of open proportionality in the second-level DPRD elections in Central Java. The findings reveal legal uncertainty in the Election Law, particularly in Article 426, which contains structural loopholes that undermine the core principles of open proportional representation and potentially harm the essence of democracy itself. This issue was evident in the 2024 DPRD election in Central Java, where manipulation of the people's choice through resignation or dismissal from party membership, along with formalistic judicial decisions, created a legal gap that was exploited to disregard legitimate votes. This not only invalidates the legitimacy of individual representatives but also raises serious questions about who truly holds sovereignty in determining the composition of the legislature.</dc:description>
	<dc:publisher xml:lang="en">Faculty of Law, Universitas Negeri Semarang</dc:publisher>
	<dc:date>2025-07-21</dc:date>
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	<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
	<dc:identifier>https://journal.unnes.ac.id/journals/lsr/article/view/30753</dc:identifier>
	<dc:identifier>10.15294/lsr.v5i2.30753</dc:identifier>
	<dc:source xml:lang="en">Semarang State University Undergraduate Law and Society Review; Vol. 5 No. 2 (2025): July-December, 2025; 1660-1686</dc:source>
	<dc:source>2807-8683</dc:source>
	<dc:source>2807-8225</dc:source>
	<dc:source>10.15294/lsr.v5i2</dc:source>
	<dc:language>eng</dc:language>
	<dc:relation>https://journal.unnes.ac.id/journals/lsr/article/view/30753/5197</dc:relation>
	<dc:rights xml:lang="en">Copyright (c) 2025 Semarang State University Undergraduate Law and Society Review</dc:rights>
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